Time and Population from the Surface at San Marcos Pueblo (LA98), North Central New Mexico

Ann F. Ramenofsky

University of New Mexico

Christopher Pierce

Web Data Works

Unpublished manuscript

DRAFT: Do not cite without permission of the authors 

Understanding the effects of European contact on the organization, size, and mobility of Pueblo populations in the Southwest requires detailed knowledge of the occupational histories of the large, aggregated settlements that typify the late prehistoric and early historic record. Unfortunately, such understanding is generally lacking because the methods used to document occupational histories of settlements tend to either obscure fine-grained temporal distinctions or necessitate costly and politically objectionable large-scale excavations. To overcome these difficulties, we analyze the surface record at San Marcos Pueblo (LA98), a large, late site in the Galisteo Basin of New Mexico, in an attempt to reconstruct the occupational and population history of the settlement. Using detailed mapping, systematic surface collections, and multiple seriations of midden deposits, we document several alternating periods of occupation and abandonment of the pueblo with population size varying from one occupation to the next. This reconstruction challenges conventional wisdom regarding the occupational history of these late, large settlements as representing deep sedentism with population decline and abandonment occurring only after Spanish contact.

Large, architecturally complex sites are the hallmark of the late prehistoric-historic transition in central and northern New Mexico, as well as across much of the Southwest. These large sites represent persistent places (Schlanger 1992), which witnessed extensive and intensive use over long periods of time. Room counts at these late sites range from 300 to more than 1500 (Adams and Duff 2004) often dwarfing the largest of the earlier aggregated pueblos on the Colorado Plateau (Adler et al. 1996). These settlements are composed of the remnants of single or multi-story roomblocks made of stone masonry and/or adobe, as well as extramural features including ramadas, kivas, plazas, and deep middens. In some cases, their internal structure appears amorphous, a series of roomblocks scattered across an area and lacking an ordered arrangement. In other cases, the roomblocks are symmetrical to each other and enclosed plazas (Bernardini 1998; Potter 1998). Both architectural patterns may be present at the same place.

Because of their size, architectural complexity and historical connection with early modern Pueblo peoples, these settlements are important to discussions of place use history, settlement patterns, and population dynamics during the late prehistoric and early historic periods. With few exceptions, these settlements are viewed as the archetype of deep sedentism and large populations (e.g., Powell 1990). The acceptance of this notion has colored the debate regarding the demographic meaning of abandonment, and socio-political change after contact with Europeans. The permanent abandonment of many of these large places at the approximate time of the Pueblo Revolt in 1680 has been interpreted as representing catastrophic population decline from introduced infectious disease. That decline, in turn, is considered as causal in the changing socio-political structure of early modern Pueblo populations (Haas and Creamer 1992; Lightfoot and Upham 1989; Plog and Upham 1983; Upham 1982; Upham and. Plog 1986; Wilcox 1991)¹ .

The importance of these issues to our understanding of the consequences of European contact on native Southwestern populations requires that we have a firm grasp of the nature of the occupation and population history of these large settlements. However, problems with the preferred methods of establishing temporal control and building populations estimates in the Southwest cast considerable doubt on our current understanding of these places. In the northern Southwest, the occupational history of settlements is usually determined through ceramic cross-dating, or the measurement of calendric dates from tree-ring samples, or, occasionally, other absolute dating methods. In most cases, this leads to the assignment of the settlement to one or more chronological periods. However, existing chronological frameworks for this time period either terminate with European contact, or make assumptions about when change occurs that leave them inadequate for measuring change across this historical boundary. Once a time period assignment has been made, interval-level population estimates are usually made by ascertaining the number and/or size of structures used during a given period. Without extensive excavation, these approaches measuring occupational history and population yield coarse-grained and unreliable reconstructions. Given the high cost of modern excavation and a political climate stressing conservation of archaeological properties, extensive excavation of large settlements in the Southwest has been a rare event for many years.

Our goals are to demonstrate that a set of concepts and methods exist that are suitable for constructing accurate and precise place use and population history from the investigation of the surface of large settlements without excavation. Rather than working within a periodized chronological framework, we treat time as a continuous, abstract, and research driven dimension, which can be measured using seriations of systematic surface collections of temporally diagnostic artifacts. Because seriations describe continuous time, they can be examined at different temporal scales to suggest changing use of this place. In addition, we employ multiple seriations, Fordian or frequency seriation and correspondence analysis, as complimentary approaches to measuring time. Finally, rather than making interval-scale estimates of population, we measure population on an ordinal scale, which is more appropriate to our focus on surface manifestations.

We implemented this approach over multiple seasons of fieldwork at San Marcos Pueblo in Galisteo Basin of north central New Mexico. San Marcos is a very large settlement that shows signs of approximately 400 years of occupation spanning late prehistory and early history. This paper presents the conceptual basis, methods, and initial results of that research. Using surface assemblages alone, we were able to build fine-grained reconstructions of the occupational history of San Marcos, which have several significant implications. Contrary to conventional wisdom (but see Creamer et al 2002 for an exception), San Marcos appears to have seen alternating periods of occupation and abandonment throughout its history with population size varying from one occupation to the next. This reconstruction extends archaeological knowledge  of our understanding of settlement mobility of Pueblo populations through the Pueblo Revolt. The latter is significant for the timing and nature of early historic change in Pueblo population. The success of this approach points to a robust and far less costly alternative strategy for reconstructing occupational history at these large villages without extensive excavation.

Chronology versus Time

Within temporal studies, archaeologists have focused on two closely related issues: construction of chronology and establishing reliable calendrical dates. Chronological construction predates interval scale temporal measurements in part because, except for dendrochronology (Nash 1999), chronometric dating did not enter the archaeological dating arsenal until after World War II (Taylor 2000). Consequently, establishment of time-space units, based on stratigraphy and seriation (Lyman et al. 1998), was the principal means of temporally ordering the archaeological record. As widely discussed in archaeological history, the focus on chronological construction was the hallmark of culture history and dominated the entire discipline until the 1950s.

Two fundamental aspects of chronological constructions violate the notion of continuous change through time ( Beck 1999; Plog, and Hantman 1990; Rowe 1962). First, chronological units periodize the flow of time into a series of units, or boxes. Second, within these boxes, whether defined as phases, periods or stages, is the assumption of stasis. Change is punctuated and confined to the lines between boxes. All cultural expressions within chronological units are fundamentally similar and unchanging in terms of a series of traits. Change occurs at the margins between units. According to Plog and Hantman..."they [phases] impose a general view of culture change... as step-like with periods of stability separated by short periods of change (1990: 440).

Although named and discrete chronological units are necessary for professional communication, they are but one way to represent time. Time is an abstract continuous process, which means that the way in which it is constructed and represented must be driven by the goals of archaeological research. Quite simply, there is no one time archaeologically; there are many times (Plog, and Hantman 1990; Ramenofsky 1998).

Three principle chronologies are widely utilized in the northern Southwest (Table 1). The Cordell and Gumerman's sequence (1989) terminates with history, and can not be employed for investigating transitions from prehistory to history. In contrast, Kidder (1927) and Wendorf and Reed (1955) extend their chronologies into historic time horizons. The major difference in these sequences is a function of geography. Kidder's Pecos classification pertains to the western Pueblo area where Pueblo III was established as the cultural peak (Adler 1996a; Spielmann 1998). Pueblo IV and V were declines from that peak. What applied to the western ancestral Pueblo area did not work in the Rio Grande. In the eastern Puebloan area, the cultural peak occurred in Pueblo IV and was marked by population aggregation, the development of large sites, and excellence in ceramic production. Wendorf and Reed recognized and incorporated this difference into their eastern Pueblo chronology. The Classic Period begins later than Pueblo III and includes the entirety of Kidder's Pueblo IV² .

Both sequences share the crucial recognition that chronology continues after Spanish conquest and colonization. There are, however, fundamental problems with using either sequence for temporal investigation of late prehistoric-early historic settlements. Because culture historians assume that change occurs at boundaries, there is the expectation of discontinuity or difference between prehistory and history. Indeed, a number of archaeologists have employed this assumption. Recently, Lekson stated that the change in the duration of Pueblo settlement use from fluid and short term to permanent and long-term was due to Spanish policy (Lekson 1990). According to Lekson: "The very act of issuing land grants pinned the Pueblos like butterflies on a mounting board" (1990:336). Although there is no question that Spanish effected change, the relationship between Spanish presence and change in native settlements is more complex than Lekson suggested. Schroeder (1968), for instance, argued that Spanish presence had no effect on Native settlement change and abandonment. Kulisheck (2003, 2005) and others (Ramenofsky et al. 2006b) have shown that the fluid nature of native settlement use continued through, at least, the Pueblo Revolt.

Because different criteria are employed to periodize prehistory as opposed to prehistory and history, the chronological units are not comparable; they reference different events. A.D. 1600 marks an historical event, the beginning of Spanish settlement of the region and the end of 60 years of erratic and brutal exploration (Kessell 2002). It does not signal a change in architecture or ceramics, the marker traits of the prehistoric sequence. Thus, in terms of history, the seventeenth record is different. In terms of archaeology, however, the seventeenth century is continuous with prehistoric traits. Native glaze-paint ceramics (Mera 1933, 1940), rather than Spanish mayólica pottery or Spaniards themselves, are the primary historical indicator in the Rio Grande corridor. Accordingly, the questions become what kind of change is being addressed; when and how does change occur.

Bounding the late prehistoric-historic transition as the "protohistoric" is the temporal alternative to the traditional prehistoric-historic divisions  (e.g., Haas and Creamer 1992; Kintigh 1990; Wilcox 1981; but see Adams and Duff 2004 for a different and older definition of protohistoric). Although using this term signals that the interval is deserving of attention, it does not overcome the problem of the punctuated change between temporal units. It simply changes the boundaries between those units.

Archaeologists have successfully used the directionality of time's arrow to construct chronologies, but time is more than direction. Moreover the constructed chronological units have obscured significant aspects of the conceptual nature of time (Bailey 1981, 1983; Beck 1999; Ramenofsky 1998; Wandsnider 2004). Time is an abstract, continuous process, and this recognition means that change can also be continuous. Chronologies, by contrast, bound time, stipulate when and how change occurs and potentially obscure significant temporal and spatial variation. To capture this variation requires working with the flow of time across space.

Methodological Challenges of Large Site Archaeology

In the northern Southwest, tree-ring dates and decorated ceramics are routinely employed to bracket the temporal dimension, and the relationship between these two temporal tools is close. Breternitz (1966) was the first to cross-date ceramic types to tree-ring dates. Over the last 40 years, the bracketing dates of ceramic types have been modified and updated with the collection and dating of more wood samples (Vint 2000). The fact that decorated ceramic types have cross-dates has a significant consequence for age estimates. In the absence of excavation or preserved wood, cross-dated ceramic types can provide ballpark estimates of duration. Traditionally, population has been estimated through well preserved architectural features, including room counts, room size, site size or extent of rubble (e.g., Adler 1994; Crown 1991; Crown and Kohler 1994; Hill et al. 2004; Plog 1975; Schlanger 1985). Most recently on the Colorado Plateau, archaeologists have been estimating population through accumulation rates of ceramics ( e.g., Varien 1999; Varien and Mills 1997).

Because decorated ceramics and rooms are present at large sites, constructing occupational history through cross-dates and estimating population through room estimates ought to be straightforward. Moreover, long-standing interests in both topics would lead to the expectation that there are numerous descriptions of both occupational history and population estimates of these places. This, however, is not the case; archaeological understanding of late, large places is rudimentary. There are only a handful of descriptions of occupation history and population from late prehistoric New Mexico, e.g., Pot Creek (Crown 1991; Crown and Kohler 1994), Arroyo Hondo (Creamer 1993), Tijeras (Cordell 1980), and Pueblo Pardo (Toulouse 1960). Excepting Pueblo Pardo, these places were abandoned well before the sixteenth century and the onset of history. Only two descriptions of occupation shifts of pueblos that cross the prehistoric-historic transition are well known: Pecos (Kidder 1958) and Pa'ako (Lambert 1954).

This gap in our understanding of place use, duration, and population of transitional late prehistoric-historic sites is largely a consequence of the research emphasis on excavation. This emphasis is understandable in that excavation provides tree-ring samples and population proxies. On the other hand, excavation is an onerous task at large sites, requiring years of sustained field investigation. The required investments of time and labor in part explain why the major excavations at large late sites, notably native communities with missions, occurred in the early decades of the 20th century (Cordell 1997; Ramenofsky and Feathers 2002). After WWII, field school students provided the labor for investigating large sites  (e.g., Bugé 1979; Ellis 1968; Spielmann 1998 for summary). Unfortunately, much of this work has never been published. Most recently, a greatly changed political climate where conservation and protection are paramount, coupled with the time and labor costs of excavation, account for the lack of excavation at these persistent places.

Excavation, however, only partially accounts for limited understanding of site use or duration of large places. The second reason is a consequence of seeking numeric, or ratio scale, estimates of settlement populations (e.g, Adler 1996b; Crown, 1991; Crown and Kohler 1994; Orcutt 1999; Plog 1975; Schlanger, 1988; Upham, 1982). In these efforts to convert archaeological parameters to numbers of people, the preferred archaeological proxies of population are architectural features, including room counts, room sizes, and roofed area of settlement. This focus on architecture is supported by common sense understanding of the obvious relationship between the number and/or size of rooms and people who use those rooms, as well as by the empirical generalizations between space use and population (Dohm 1990; Narroll 1962). Southwestern archaeologists have questioned the accuracy of these estimates and have shown them to be seriously flawed (e.g., Nelson 1981; Nelson, et al. 1992).

The preference for creating numeric estimates from architectural features creates a dilemma for understanding occupational history of large places. Because excavation results in room samples, excavation is instrumental in estimating population numerically. Excavation at large sites, however, is a difficult undertaking both politically and logistically. As a result, there are few sustained field projects at these places (e.g., Creamer et al. 2002; Lycett 2002).

The lack of modern sustained field investigations at large late sites has left these places out of the significant research and debates regarding settlement mobility, aggregation, and population change in the central and northern Southwest (e.g.,Gilman 1987; Lekson 1990; Mills 1994; Nelson, and Anyon 1996; Nelson, and LeBlanc 1986; Powell 1983; Rocek 1996; Varien 1999). Although we find this situation unfortunate, we do not think archaeological research at large sites is beyond our reach, especially for such fundamental questions as site use or occupational dynamics. What is required is a conceptual change from a focus on excavation to the surface.

Surface Archaeology and Time

Because of the excellent surface visibility across much of the Southwest, surface survey, especially at regional scales, is the alternative to excavation. Like excavation, surface survey has a long and deep history in the region (e.g.,Mera 1932; 1933; 1934; 1940) that has continued through the present (e.g., Breternitz, et al. 1986; Dickson 1971; Hayes 1981; Judge 1981; Plog 1986; Powers and Orcutt 1999). The goal of surface survey is to locate sites. Synthetically, sites matter because people lived, worked or died at sites. Some kinds of sites, namely settlements, are considered the archaeological expression of community. Analytically, sites are broken down into component parts to determine time and function. Following analysis, sites are put back together. Site counts within and between temporal units are used to estimate population change as trends or numbers. Comparisons across the regional sample of sites are used to characterize the nature of interactions and/or to address the significant questions of aggregation, and nature of sedentism.

Beginning in the late 1970s, American archaeologists developed a different orientation to surface expressions (Dancey 1973; Dunnell and Dancey 1983; Foley 1981; for a review see Lewarch and O'Brien 1981; Thomas 1975) variously known as the siteless or nonsite survey. These interests have been incorporated into other surface approaches in both the United States and Europe, including landscape archaeology (Wandsnider 1992), distributional archaeology (Ebert 1992; Jones and Beck 1992), surface archaeology (Sullivan 1998) and intensive surface survey (Bintliff et al. 2000). Collectively, these approaches view the surface as an independent research domain with interpretive or explanatory potential. They depart conceptually from traditional regional site discovery, surface surveys in several ways.

Sites are not assumed to be self-evident packages of the archaeological record  (Dunnell 1992). They are simply high-density nodes in a variable landscape of artifacts. The visibility of these clusters occurs because the archaeological record is a contemporary phenomenon (Binford 1981); the character of artifact landscapes is due to record formation processes working across variable time spans.

Second, artifact, not site, is the analytic unit in surface archaeology (Dunnell and Dancey 1983). If artifacts are the focus, then the archaeological record becomes "a more or less continuous distribution of artifacts on or near the surface of the planet" ( Dunnell 1992: 34; Dunnell and Dancey 1983). Rather than asking how or why sites are distributed as they are (Gumerman 1971), surface archaeologists seek to characterize and explain variable artifact densities. Land use studies loom large in surface archaeology.

There have been objections to the interpretive potential of surface archaeology (e.g., Odell 1987; Simmons 1998), including the assumption that the surface is more disturbed than the subsurface and the absence of datable material on the surface. Neither objection is supportable. Initially, Dunnell and Dancey asserted that the surface is no more disturbed than the subsurface because all buried deposits were once surficial. Over the past 30 years, archaeologists working at the surface in the Southwest and beyond have developed the methodologies appropriate for investigating the surface record, showing that that surface disturbances do not pose major interpretative problems (Bintliff et al. 2000; Camilli and Ebert 1992; Dancey 1998; Dunnell and Feathers 1994; Jones et al. 2003; Kvamme 1998; Lycett 1995; Wandsnider and Camilli 1996). Given these successes, surface expressions should not be automatically discounted as a research venue. Instead, the question regarding degree of disturbance should be evaluated in the context of research.

Additionally, temporal control of surface expressions is possible. Excavation is usually required to obtain tree-ring, archeomagnetic, and radiocarbon samples, but it does not follow that the surface is temporally impoverished. In fact, there are dating methods particularly well suited for the surface research ( Beck and Jones 1994, for general discussion). At an ordinal scale, seriations (Lipo 2001; Phillips 1951) and obsidian hydration (e.g., Beck 1998, 1999; Beck and Jones 1994; Jones et al. 2003) can be employed to estimate age of surface assemblages. At an interval scale, luminescence is particularly well suited for surface assemblages and for ceramics (Dunnell and Feathers 1994; Feathers 1997, 2000; Ramenofsky and Feathers 2002). An advantage of obsidian hydration dating and luminescence is that they provide direct dates of artifacts, requiring fewer assumptions of association between the dated event and target event (Ahlstrom 1985; Ahlstrom and Smiley 1998; Dean 1978).

Measuring Time and Population at San Marcos Pueblo

Our research at San Marcos Pueblo combines the Southwest tradition of surface survey with the concepts of surface archaeology. We downsize the spatial scale from region to place, and view the surface record as an independent research universe. Because the late record is also the surface record, there is a fit between research goals and method. We make no assumptions about the number and nature of temporal indicators on the surface, or the degree of surface disturbance. Instead, artifact is the analytic unit, and the concentration or dispersion of surface artifacts is what matters. We investigate the surface with the same degree of rigor as the subsurface. Two questions inform this surface investigation: 1) what is the place use history preserved on the surface, and 2) what does that history tell us about ordinal scale changes in population use across the prehistoric-historic transition?

San Marcos Pueblo (LA 98) is one of the eight large, architecturally complex places of the prehistoric-historic transition located at the western edge of the Galisteo Basin of north central New Mexico (Figure 1). Room estimates for this pueblo exceed 1500. San Marcos was a significant place in prehistory and history. Geographically, San Marcos is adjacent to the Cerrillos Hills, a major source of turquoise and lead. Cerrillos Hills turquoise was widely distributed through the Southwest. Lead was the principle flux used in the production of glaze-paint ceramics, and San Marcos was a major production center for these ceramics (Habicht-Mauche et al. 2000; Motsinger 1997; Shepard 1942). A Spanish mission and convento were established at San Marcos in 1638 (Hodge et al. 1945). At least one priest lived at the pueblo until the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. During the Pueblo Revolt, the resident priest, Fray Manuel Tinoco, was killed while he was away from the pueblo (Hackett 1923-1937:329), and the residents of San Marco permanently abandoned the settlement.

Figure 1. Locations of San Marcos and other Galisteo Basin pueblos.

Today, San Marcos is an archaeological preserve larger than 24 hectares. The trajectory of archaeological fieldwork at San Marcos follows that of other large late sites: initial excavation and mapping followed by smaller scale projects. Nels Nelson initiated field work at the Galisteo Basin Pueblos, including San Marcos, in the early twentieth century (Nelson 1912-1915, 1914). Nelson's planimetric map of the visible architecture at San Marcos identified 43 room blocks and one kiva (Figure 2). This roomblock count, however, is somewhat inflated because Nelson assigned a new number to each arm of the extensive roomblocks. Nelson also excavated test trenches across each of the roomblocks. Although some artifacts from those excavations were saved, there are no extant profile descriptions.

Figure 2. Nelson's 1914 planimetric map of San marcos Pueblo.

More recent investigations have examined only certain sections of the site or restricted their investigations to particular temporal units (Creamer 1994; 1996; Creamer et al. 2002; Eddy et al., 1996; Haas and Creamer 1992, 1997; Ivey and Thomas 2005; Reed 1954;Thomas 2000; Welker 1994; 1995, 1997). When we began working at San Marcos in 1997 (Penman et al. 1998; Pierce and Ramenofsky 2000; Ramenofsky 2001, 2003; Ramenofsky and Pierce 1998, 1999), ownership of the property was changing, making it possible to undertake research across the entire property. Once the map of topography and the current plan of roomblocks were in place (Figure 3), we turned our attention to space and time.

Figure 3. Topographic map of San Marcos Pueblo.

Spatial Construction

The late large places in New Mexico are characterized by deep midden accumulations. Mining these locations for temporally sensitive artifacts is the first step in building a place use history of San Marcos. While it seemed likely that, as with other late sites, San Marcos should have numerous middens, their location, number and extent was poorly known when we began working at the pueblo. This is due to an unusually dense vegetative cover at the site and, consequently, relatively meager documentation of middens visible at the surface. To discover and mine middens, we employed systematic surface collection.

In the first stage of this work conducted in 1999 (Pierce and Ramenofsky 2000), we systematically sampled the entire surface of the pueblo at 20-meter intervals (Figure 4). At each 20-meter location, a 1m2 surface scrape sampling unit was established. After removal of plants covering the surface of each unit, a shovel was used to scrape a thin layer (1-2 cm) of material from the surface for dry screening through 1/4 in. mesh. All material retained in the screen, including artifacts and gravel, were collected for sorting and analysis from each surface scrape unit.

Figure 4. Systematic surface sampling, San Marcos Pueblo.

This initial systematic collection effort provided a sample of 371 systematic surface collected units spread across all accessible site areas. Although substantially less than one percent of the spatial area of San Marcos, the sample provided a reasonable clear picture of artifact distributions at the surface of the site. Artifacts occur in low densities on roomblock mounds, but in discrete areas adjacent to nearly every roomblock, artifact density increased greatly. We defined these higher density locations as middens, and 20 such locations were identified (Figure 5). Midden size ranged from 320m2 to more than 1,165m2.

Figure 5. Roomblocks and middens at San Marcos Pueblo.

For the second surface collection conducted in 2000 (Ramenofsky 2001), the goal was to increase the sample size of temporally sensitive artifacts from each of the identified midden areas. This effort was enhanced by an unusually dry winter and spring, which greatly improved visibility of the surface because of reduced vegetative growth. Consequently, we employed a more traditional systematic surface collection of each midden. First, more exact midden boundaries were defined though a combination of changes in artifact density and soil color. A collection grid consisting of 5m2 units was then established over the accessible surface of each midden (Figure 6), and we collected by hand all pieces of pottery rims and obsidian visible on the surface within a collection unit. This effort resulted in a surface collection sample of 1055 collection units from the 20 middens.[afr1] The combined samples from both seasons of surface collection at San Marcos produced a total of 7600 rim sherds and 1145 pieces of obsidian. The temporally diagnostic glaze-paint bowl portion of the sample constituted approximately 50 percent of the total rim sherd sample.

Figure 6. Midden surface sampling grids at San Marcos Pueblo.

Temporal Construction

Here we rely mainly on the abundant decorated ceramics for temporal constructions. The glaze-paint ceramics have been the subject of extensive research. Since Nelson's initial stratigraphic research in the Galisteo Basin (1916), we have known that glaze-paint ceramics follow black-on white decorated ceramics and are the quintessential temporal markers of late prehistory in the Rio Grande corridor. Later, Kidder's excavations at Pecos Pueblo defined the glaze-paint sequence, known as Glaze I-VI (Kidder 1936). Differences in rim shape of decorated bowls were the fundamental criteria used to distinguish between types. With a larger sample of rims from many more locations along the Rio Grande corridor, Mera redefined Kidder's sequence as Glazes A-F (Mera 1933, 1940) adding subtypes based on geographic location, as well as number and color of slips (Table 2). Because San Marcos is within the Rio Grande corridor, we use Mera's type names.

Researchers determined the temporal span of these classic ceramic types in two ways. Kidder primarily used stratigraphic relationships in the Pecos middens to sort the glaze-paint types from early, Glaze I Red to Late, Glaze VI. Cross-dating glaze-paint types from floor contexts to tree-ring dates used in room construction has also been used to bracket the temporal span of the types (Table 3). The cross-dates provide finer-grained temporal resolution than was possible from stratigraphic analysis alone (e.g., Blinman 2000; Ramenofsky and Feathers 2002).

Despite some variation in the bracketing dates used by individual researchers, there is considerable agreement that these decorated ceramics began in the early fourteenth century and continued to be manufactured through the end of the seventeenth century. Glaze A Red is widely recognized as the earliest and most uniform of the glaze-paint types (Shepard 1942), and Glaze F, or perhaps Glaze E and F, are the sixteenth and seventeenth century glaze-paint styles. In between these beginning and end points, there is temporal overlap between types. It has long been suggested, for instance, that Glaze A Red continued to be manufactured into the historic period (Hayes et al. 1981; Marshall 1987). Rather than strictly successive, current tree-ring cross-dates suggest temporal overlap among glaze rim forms with, perhaps, frequency peaks in the temporal expression of particular rim shapes or types.

Previous ceramic research that defined glaze-paint types and associated those types with tree-ring cross-dates are a rich background from which to launch the investigation of place use history from the surface. We employ Mera's glaze-paint types in this effort and McKenna and Miles' cross-dates, as reported by Vint (2000), to bracket ceramic type duration. However, rather than carve up the sequence into periods based on the presence or prevalence of certain types, we employ seriation to document time in as a continuous variable.

Seriation. While working at Zuni in the early decades of the twentieth century, Spier and Kroeber pioneered the use of seriation as a temporal tool for understanding ceramic surface assemblages (Kroeber 1916; Lyman and O'Brien 1999; Lyman et al. 1998; Spier 1917, 1918, 1919). Therefore, it is ironic that this method of documenting time did not survive long in the Southwest in comparison to other regions. Once tree-ring dating was developed, most seriation research ceased (Beals, et al. 1945, for exception). Although recently the method has resurfaced in Southwestern archaeology (Creamer et al. 2002; Duff 1996; Gravers 1984; Rakita and Raymond 2003; Scholnick 2003; Silva 1999; Stokes 2000; Van Dyke 1997), it remains an anomalous temporal tool.

The potential precision of tree-ring dates coupled with the cross-dates of decorated ceramics explains why tree-ring dating replaced seriation. The calendrical estimates of cross-dated ceramics makes it likely that all archaeological expressions with decorated ceramics can have minimal calendrical dates. This is a boon for surface survey, requiring only that exposed surfaces be walked, decorated ceramics collected, ceramics typed, and cross-dates assigned. While a distinct advantage, there is a downside to this approach. The consequent temporal discriminations are coarse-grained leading to the lumping of assemblages into periods or phases, which generally lack spatial control.

Seriation is a useful archaeological method for overcoming precisely this problem. Under appropriate conditions, if location is controlled and temporally sensitive artifacts are collected and analyzed, it is possible to determine when these locations were used in relation to other similar locations. Once the relative temporal sequence is constructed, it is possible to break down the temporal scale into appropriate temporal spans.

Underlying all seriations is a model about how artifact units are expressed in time. Seriations operate on temporally sensitive artifact units, or those demonstrating historicity (Kreiger 1944). These temporal units should have the same relative duration and be continuous in time (Dunnell 1970; Madsen 1988). If such units are not continuous, it will not be possible to create smooth unimodal curves required for inferring time with frequency seriation. In addition, the spatial units in a seriation must be physically close because spatially proximate locations are more likely to share similar artifacts. This assumption typically is not difficult to meet at the scale of site.

In this temporal construction, we employ two complimentary kinds of seriation -- frequency seriation [FS] (Ford 1962; Phillips et al. 1951) and correspondence analysis [CA] (Bech 1988; Madsen 1988; Neiman and Alcock 1995; Nielsen 1988; Scholnick 2003; Shennan 1997). Although the two methods are correlated and use the same data matrix, they describe different aspects of time and space. FS is a direct representation of the percentages of types by location. If unimodal distributions of types are obtained, the continuous nature of time is demonstrated (Ford 1962), allowing for a temporal inference (Dunnell 1970). On the other hand, the division of the continuous distribution into smaller temporal spans is subjective and frequently lacking any justification for one or another division. This aspect of frequency seriation was recognized by Spaulding, becoming one of his major criticisms of Ford in their renowned debate (Ford 1954a, 1954bb, 1961; Spaulding 1954).

Because CA can separate the continuous unimodal curves of FS into small chunks of time and space, it addresses the principle criticism embedded in the continuous distribution of FS. Under the appropriate conditions, CA offers more information on the temporal and spatial distributions than FS. Like Principle Components Analysis [PCA], CA reduces the dimensionality of a series of measurements. Unlike PCA, however, CA is particularly well suited for analysis of artifact counts within nominal scale categories (Shennan 1997). CA captures the multidimensional variation embedded in the data matrix by Chi-Square distances that measure the dependence of row and column combinations. The statistical routine calculates the dissimilarity among type proportions, weighting the types more or less equally. By creating X-Y coordinates for all row and column combinations, the distribution can be plotted on an X-Y axis, where X represents time and Y, space. If the underlying data approximate the unimodal curve of the seriation model, the plot will take on a parabolic shape. In this case, the distribution can be inferred to be chronological. The dimension 1 scores should recover the correct seriation order. Dimension 2 scores are the quadratic equation of dimension 1 scores (Madsen 1988; Neiman and Alcock 1995).

To summarize, our attempt to document the use history of San Marcos from the surface begins with temporally sensitive ceramic rims as analytic units. The occurrence of ceramics across middens is used to create synthetic units of midden use. These units are the data for the temporal descriptions. Two seriation methods, FS and CA, are employed to build these temporal descriptions. The graphical seriation presents the distribution as a series of unimodal curves of decorated ceramic types. CA takes that information further, describing the degree of dependence between midden location and ceramic types, and summarizing them as two dimensional plots of the intersection of rows and columns. In the end, these temporal descriptions of midden use become a proxy for inferring occupational history.

San Marcos Pottery Seriations

Table 4 shows the data matrix used for both seriations, summarizing the counts of decorated ceramic rim fragments of bowls by type from each midden area. The cross-dates for the glaze types (Table 2) are employed to bracket the mean duration of types. In Table 4, Glaze A Red slips are distinguished from Glaze A yellow slips because it has been repeatedly demonstrated that the red-slipped pottery is the earliest glaze-paint type in the Rio Grande ( Kidder 1936; Shepard 1942). In addition, we have added a column that combines several black-on-white types, primarily Galisteo Black-on-White and Santa Fe Black-on White. At San Marcos, these two types occur in approximately equal proportions. The tree-ring cross dates of Santa Fe Black-on-White suggest a temporal span from the late twelfth through the thirteenth century. The published cross-dates of Galisteo Black-on-White overlap temporally with Glaze A Red (Breternitz 1966; McKenna and Miles 1991; Vint 2000).

Frequency Seriation 

Because type distributions shown in Figure 7 more or less conform to unimodal shapes, the order of middens can be inferred to be chronological across the surface³ . Several temporal trends are apparent in this solution. First, nearly 400 years of time are expressed on the surface. Using the cross dates to bracket the temporal span of midden use suggests that middens became trash dumps in the early thirteenth century and their use continued through the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. There are no apparent gaps in the record of glaze types at San Marcos.

Figure 7. Frequency seriation of middens, San Marcos Pueblo.

The middens are spatially discrete on the surface, but the temporal overlap of types coupled with their presence in nearly all middens demonstrates that these middens are palimpsests, suggestive of cycles of use, abandonment and reuse. Trash dumps were used for unknown periods of time, perhaps while an adjacent roomblock was occupied. With roomblock abandonment, the midden fell out of use. Later, perhaps when a section of the roomblock was reoccupied, the midden again became a trash dump.

However, some rather coarse temporal patterns to the San Marcos occupation can be discriminated with the FS. Time expressed on the surface begins in the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century and is concentrated in Middens 16,17, and 18 adjacent to a permanent spring in the southwest quadrant of San Marcos. Glaze types E and F mark the terminus of use, the middle to late sixteenth and nearly all of the seventeenth century. The highest frequencies of Glazes E and F occur in Middens 3, 6, 10 and 13 in the northeast section of the site. The seventeenth century use of these middens may be associated with the construction of the mission complex in the late 1630s. In between the beginning and end, the temporal pattern is not as clear. Glaze A Yellow occurs in relatively high frequencies in all middens except Midden 2. Although Glaze B, C, and D occur in nearly all middens as well, Glaze B tends to dominate in middens 7, 8, and 9; Glazes C and D dominate in middens 1, 2 and 3. The lack of clear temporal differentiation among these types agrees with the available cross-dates (Table 3), reflecting the overlapping durations of these types. From the early fifteenth century through the early sixteenth century, most of the middens at San Marcos appear to have been used as trash dumps.

Correspondence Analysis

Figures 8 and 9 presents the correspondence analysis of the data matrix of ceramic types and middens. The first two dimensions in the analysis account for 78% of all the variation. The overall Chi Square value significantly departs from independence, X² = 3085; df = 133; p value = 0.000, supporting the inference of dependence between ceramic types and location.

Figure 8. Correspondence analysis of ceramic types.

Figure 8 displays only the ceramic types. This distribution approximates a right-skewed parabola, permitting an inference that the types are temporal markers. The order of types in Figure 8 duplicates that of the frequency seriation. Black-on-white types have a strong positive score for dimension 1, 2.27; Glaze F, by contrast has a negative score for dimension 1, -0.7. According to Dimension 1 scores, Glaze A Yellow and Glaze B are indistinguishable temporally and there may also be some temporal overlap between Glaze C and Glaze D. On the other hand, Glaze A Yellow and Glaze B are temporally distinct from Glazes C and D.

Figure 9. Correspondence analysis of middens, San Marcos Pueblo.

The correspondence analysis of middens (Figure 9) also approximates a parabola and, like the types, the midden order can be inferred to be chronological. In contrast to the FS, CA breaks down the temporal and spatial continuum, and provides new information on midden use. Although most types are present in all middens, there are four temporal clusters noted as Periods 1-4 in Figure 9 in which certain types predominate. In Period 1, only Midden 16 was in use. Middens 17 and 18 were used during Period 2. In Period 3, trash was deposited in nine middens (5, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 14, 15, and 19) spatially clustered in the center of the. During the last period, eight middens (1, 2, 3, 4, 6,10, 13, and 20) were in active use.

Also during Period 4 are two spatially separated midden groups noted in Figure 9 as Group 1 and 2. Group 1, composed of middens 6, 10, 13   occus in the vicinity of the mission, and has Dimension 2 scores greater than 0.5. Middens 1, 2, 3, 4, and 20, constitute Group 2, are concentrated east and north of the mission complex. The Dimension 2 scores for this group are less than 0.2. In addition to spatial separation, the predominant ceramic types recovered from each midden group are different (Table 5 and Figure 7). Group 1 middens have a predominance of C and D rims while Group 2 middens have the highest frequencies of Glazes E and F. Thus, during Period 4, which crosses the historic boundary, midden use tends toward segregation by type and location.

The apparent contemporaneity of Glazes C through F suggested in Figure 9 conflicts with traditional wisdom regarding the sequence and duration of these types. The cross-dates (see Table 3) indicate temporal overlap between Glazes C and D, and E and F, but not overlap among all four types. Resolving these differences is beyond the scope of this paper, but there are several possibilities.

Perhaps the ends of adjacent types overlap temporally creating a clinal distribution. In this case, only Glaze C and F are temporally distinct. This suggestion is certainly worthy of investigation, given that tree-ring cross-dates are coarse-grained approximations of ceramic duration (Ramenofsky and Feathers 2002), especially in the Rio Grande corridor where the sample of cross-dates is small. Alternatively, the spatial separation of types during Period 4 overlaps with different historic period activities and may be connected with those activities. Group 2 occurs in the area of the mission complex and other Spanish construction, which may have buried earlier deposits. Group 1 spatially overlaps with a seventeenth century copper smelting station (Ramenofsky 2003; Ramenofsky et al. 2006a) and a zone of substantial sheet erosion in the area of Midden 4? . Perhaps construction and maintenance of the smelter and later erosion and more recent erosion exposed more older types to the surface than is reflected in the Group 1 ceramic sample. Although we think aspects of this latter explanation are most likely, there is another possibility. If the types are, indeed, more or less contemporary, then during the latest part of the San Marcos sequence there may have been two different potting groups at San Marcos, possibly coincident with the two different historic activities (chruch and metallurgy). These two groups may have made, used and discarded different kinds of decorated ceramics.

Taken together, the two seriations indicate a complex temporal pattern for the history of midden use at San Marcos (Table 6) and are useful temporal tools for building place use history. At the scale of place, the FS demonstrated continuous use from the thirteenth century through the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, and is consistent with traditional knowledge of San Marcos. Where the frequency seriation could not break down the temporal scale into finer units, the CA could, suggesting four distinct periods of use. Additionally, the spatial pattern of midden use changed over time. Initial midden use began in the southwest section of the site, adjacent to the permanent springs (Reed, 1954; Creamer and Renken 1994). Following that beginning, midden use and, presumably, roomblock construction spread north and east. The CA differentiated three temporal-spatial clusters. First, the central area of the San Marcos was intensively used. In the latest period of occupation, midden use was spatially segregated into two midden clusters.

Place Use and Population History

To infer place use history and population trends from the deposition of decorated sherds into middens requires two bridging assumptions. First, a structural relationship exists between midden and roomblock. In effect, we are assuming that at least part of adjacent roomblocks were occupied when middens were in use. If this assumption is accepted, and the presence of middens adjacent to every roomblocks provides strong warrant, the use of middens reflects the occupation at large. Second, the amount of trash being deposited in trash dumps and the spatial extent of those dumps indirectly reflects population. It is this assumption that underlies accumulations research (Nelson et al. 1992; Varien 1999; Varien, and Mills 1997).

The four periods of use defined in CA of middens (Figure 9) are the basis for inferring place use and population history (Table 7; Figure 10) In Table 7, we have added cross-dates of the predominant ceramics with date ranges collapsed into centuries of use. These suggested centuries are minimal estimates at best. As repeatedly demonstrated by the seriations, the temporal overlap between supposedly unique types raises serious questions about the reliability of the estimates themselves. Numbers of ceramics deposited during each period are included in Table 7 to indicate population trends.

Periods 1 and 2 are confined to the southeast quadrant of site and appear to date from the fourteenth century through the earliest part of the fifteenth century. Midden 16, the earliest midden, is dominated by Black-on-White and Glaze A Red. While the use continues in the southeast section of the site, Middens 17 and 18 and associated room blocks are established during Period 2. Ceramic deposition increases more than 100 percent with Glaze A Yellow replacing Black-on-White and Glaze A Red as the predominant decorated ceramic in Middens 17 and 18 (Figure 10).

Figure 10. The spatial distribution of place use periods at San Marcos Pueblo.

During Period 3, the use of the San Marcos shifts northward to the central part of the site with the number of middens expanding to 9. The number of roomblocks in active use shows a comparable increase (Figure 10). Predominant ceramics deposited in middens include Glazes A Yellow, B, and C with counts increasing more than 500 percent.

According to the cross-dates, Period 4 begins before Spanish conquest and continues through the Pueblo Revolt. As in the previous period, midden use shifts north and east. Eight middens are the predominant trash dumps during Period 4 and are spatially segregated into 2 groups, one group in the vicinity of the mission and another located directly east adjacent to seventeenth century metal production (Figure 10). The glaze-paint sherd count decreases from the high during Period 3.

What can we infer regarding place use and population? First, it does not appear that San Marcos was continuously occupied. Although of unknown duration, periods of abandonment separate use, suggesting that place use followed the pattern of short-term sedentism common during earlier periods throughout the Southwest (Cordell 1994; Creamer et al. 2002; Kulisheck 2003, 2005; Lekson 1990; Mills 1994; Nelson, and Anyon 1996; Nelson, and LeBlanc 1986; Varien 1999). To more completely elucidate the pattern, we use Dimension 1 scores of the CA of middens collapsed into larger units of equivalent width as the time line (Figure 11) .The Y axis of this histogram is decorated sherd counts from middens with the same Dimension 1 scores. Although the abandonments between Periods 1, 2 and 3 are clear, that between Periods 3 and 4 appears to be too short to register as a definite separation. One piece of historical information, however, supports the inference of abandonment.

Figure 11. Temporal periods and sherd counts at San Marcos Pueblo.

The Coronado entrada of 1540-1542, crossed the Galisteo Basin twice without ever mentioning the site of San Marcos or any other of the Galisteo Basin Pueblos (Hammond and Rey 1940). This oversight seems inconceivable given the physical size of these places in the Galisteo Basin. If San Marcos was occupied in the mid-sixteenth century, it seems likely that that town would have been visited or mentioned in the Coronado chronicles. The first historical mention of this place occured in 1582 when Antonio Espejo came north looking for potential mines (Hammond and Rey 1966) . From this point forward, San Marcos appears regularly in colonial period documents (Ramenofsky et al. 2006a).

In addition, the sherd counts diagrammed in Figure 11 are useful proxies for suggesting trends in population. During the first two periods, population appears to have been relatively small, but dramatically increased in Period 3 when maximum aggregation of this place occurred. In Period 4, the population of San Marcos appears to have decrease. There are two documentary estimates of the size of San Marcos population: one from 1641 of 777, and another estimate in 1680 that lists 600 neophytes (Hodge et al. 1945). Whether and how these estimates relate to the ceramic deposition in middens is unknown.

Direct comparison of these trends with other population studies in the Southwest is limited. The absence of systematic surface research at site scales, the relatively coarse-grained temporal resolution of traditional surface research as compared to excavation, and the general absence of research at large places are limiting factors. Nonetheless, general comparisons are possible. Like the Rio Grande corridor in general (Adler et al. 1996; Cameron 1995), the expansion of population at San Marcos post-dates the abandonment of Colorado Plateau in the late thirteenth century. After settlement in New Mexico, there appears to be two sequential demographic patterns. Earlier, as documented at sites including Pot Creek (Crown 1991; Crown and Kohler 1994), Arroyo Hondo (Creamer 1993; Dickson 1971) and Burnt Corn (Snead 2000), population aggregation and abandonment occurred in the fourteenth century. A second pattern, documented at San Marcos and suggested for other Galisteo Basin pueblos (Lycett 1995; Snead et al. 2004), points to significant population aggregation beginning a century later. Population in the Galisteo Basin pueblos may have continued to grow until Spanish colonization. Following Spanish colonization, there was decline and reorganization. The latest occupations in the other mission communities of the Galisteo Basin also appear to have been spatially contiguous to the missions.

Across central and northern New Mexico, then, a picture emerges of shifting population centers. Populations increased through time due to both migration and intrinsic growth. Because population aggregation at San Marcos and other Galisteo Basin pueblos occurred after earlier large places were abandoned, these later population centers may have absorbed migrants from other places. Population growth appears to have continued until after Spanish conquest at which point there was restructuring, including migration and population decline. Native peoples permanently abandoned the late, large places in the Galisteo Basin during or shortly after the Pueblo Revolt of 1680.

Summary and Conclusions

At the beginning of this surface research at San Marcos, we were unsure whether the combination of systematic surface collection and ceramic seriations would provide sufficient temporal and spatial information to sketch place use and population history. The results obtained thus far remove much of that uncertainty. The surface archaeological record at San Marcos is rich and diverse, facilitating a description of the occupational history of this place.

Using the seriations as our temporal baseline, we determined that, although a large and important place, San Marcos was probably not continuously occupied. We documented four episodes of use, and with each occupation, the primary location of habitation appears to have shifted. Using ceramics deposited in middens as a crude Indicator of population suggested that the size of population using San Marcos began to expand in the fourteenth century and that trajectory continued through the fifteenth century. After Spanish conquest, there was a population decrease, but this decrease does not point to catastrophic population loss. The presence of the Spanish is not isomorphic with abandonment. San Marcos continued to be a vital settlement until the Pueblo Revolt.

One of the most intriguing and unexpected aspects of this research was the discovery that during the latest period of occupation, there were two spatially discrete midden groups that may have been preferentially using different ceramic types and discarding them into different middens. Because one of the midden groups was adjacent to the mission and the other associated with metal production, it is possible that the spatial separation reflects different work groups and possibly different factions. While the presence of pro - and anti-Spanish factions has been described in the documentary record (e.g., Kessell 1987), archaeological research of this fascinating topic is only beginning (Mills 2002).

This surface project pointed to need for additional temporal research of the glaze-paint chronology. The seriations demonstrated that the glaze-paint types are temporal, but the sequence is not successive temporally. There is substantial overlap between adjacent and non-adjacent types, and some types persist through the entire sequence. Because glaze-paint ceramics are such visible temporal markers and are useful in so many kinds of archaeology, it is worthwhile to invest the energy in this "dating game". Tree-ring cross-dates are one possibility, but cross-dates require excavation and excavation is not common at these large persistent places. As argued elsewhere, luminsecence dating, a direct dating method of ceramics, is a viable alternative especially in surface contexts (Dykeman et al. 2002; Ramenofsky and Feathers 2002).

Finally, the success of this research at San Marcos demonstrates that systematic surface archaeology is a viable alternative for studying late large places in the Southwest, especially in light of the concerted efforts to preserve them. The method facilitates tracking population at ordinal scales, and that tracking has been sufficient to call into question assumptions regarding the timing and nature of historic period population mobility and change. Bringing to bear additional dating evidence through luminsecence dating of selected rim sherds and hydration analysis of obsidian collected from the middens, together with targeted, small-scale test excavations can serve to further test this reconstruction.

Notes

1. See Cordell (Cordell and Plog 1979) for a discussion of the limitations of ethnographic analogy for estimating the temporal depth of egalitarian societies in the Southwest. See Ramenofsky (1996) for a review of the disease issue.

2. In volume II of Pottery of Pecos, Kidder (Kidder 1936) realized that the Pecos chronology did not adequately describe the Rio Grande sequence. In a footnote he acknowledged the disparity in timing of cultural florescence between the western and eastern regions of the Pueblo world.

3. We used Seriation Maker (Lipo 2001) to construct the graphical frequency seriation.

Acknowledgements. The research reported here was made possible with the help and support of numerous people. Financial support was provided by UNM who sponsored a surface field school for two years and by the McCune Charitable Foundation and Standard Products. Field school students were enthusiastic participants in this surface research. Shawn Penman laid out the grid, was responsible for spatial control and helped with map construction. She contributed Nelson's planimetric map. David Vaughan, Jon Van Hoose, Ariane Oberling-Pinson and Julie Angel were wonderful TAs in the field and laboratory. Ed Bedrick and Fraser Neiman helped enormously with understanding of correspondence analysis. We have benefited from discussions with and insights of Anastasia Steffen and Jeremy Kulisheck. Both read earlier drafts of this paper and, as always, made important suggestions. All other errors in understanding are ours.

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