Proposal to Conduct Archaeological Research at San Marcos Pueblo (LA98) by the University of New Mexico
Ann F. Ramenofsky and Christopher Pierce In 1997, The Archaeological Conservancy and Dr. Ann Ramenofsky began discussions regarding the potential for long-term, significant research at San Marcos Pueblo (LA98). The site, located on a 60 acre Conservancy preserve adjacent to New Mexico State Highway 14 in the Galisteo Basin south of Santa Fe, is among the largest ancestral Puebloan ruins in the American Southwest. The property contains the remains of numerous Pueblo structures, estimated to have between 3,000 and 5,000 rooms, and a seventeenth century Franciscan mission complex. During brief field sessions in 1997 and 1998, a team from the University of New Mexico (UNM), under the direction of Dr. Ramenofsky and Christopher Pierce, conducted a surface-mapping program at San Marcos Pueblo. The goal of this work was to produce a modern, detailed map of the Pueblo and Spanish Mission areas of the site, which could provided a basis for future research. In addition, we began compiling information on previous archaeological research at the site. These previous studies include excavations by Nels C. Nelson of the American Museum of Natural History in 1912 and 1915 (Nelson 1914, 1916), test excavations by Erik Reid in the 1950s (Reed 1954), surface collections and test excavations by Winifred Creamer and Jonathan Haas in the late 1980s and early 1990s (Creamer and Haas 1988; Haas 1997; Haas and Creamer 1992), and aerial photo interpretation of the site and surface examinations by a group from the University of Colorado in the early 1990s (Eddy et al. 1996; Welker 1997; Welker and Carr 1995).
The UNM mapping program began with field surveying in 1997 during which we delineated the boundaries of architectural features (roomblock mounds and kiva depresions), relocated Nelsons's excavation trenches, and initiated mapping of adobe walls. The walls were visible on the surface through differential growth of vegetation. This work allowed us to produce a basic planimetric map of a large part of the site (Figure 1), which we then compared to previous plan maps made by Nelson and the University of Colorado. We presented and discussed these comparisons in a poster delivered at the 1998 Society for American Archaeology Annual Meeting (Penman et al. 1998). In 1998, with funding from UNM and a corporate foundation, we conducted photogrammetric mapping of the site. This involved establishing eleven precisely located ground control points spaced systematically across the site, acquiring large-scale, color aerial photographs with stereo coverage of the site, and using these photographs to generate a topographic map of the entire site with a 25 cm contour interval. All of the digital elevation and planimetric data have been gathered for this topographic map, but the final version is still in production.  Figure 1 In the course of investigating previous research at San Marcos, Dr. Ramenofsky and Shawn Penman visited the American Museum of Natural History in New York City where Nelson's collections and notes are curated. This visit produced several valuable results. We located a previously unpublished, and much more detailed, map of San Marcos by Nelson (Figure 2) that we used for the basis of our comparisons in the 1998 SAA poster. We were able to examine Nelson's artifact collections from San Marcos (which includes pottery, stone tools, and historic mission artifacts such as bell fragments and ceramic candlestick holders), and began making arrangements for obtaining the collection on loan from the American Museum to UNM. We obtained copies of Nelson's notes and some of his photographs, more of which have been located since our visit. Finally, we enlisted the involvement of Dr. David Hurst Thomas, Curator of Archaeology at the American Museum, in our research efforts at San Marcos. During August of 1998, Dr. Thomas and a crew from the American Museum began surface investigations at the Spanish Mission component of San Marcos including very fine grained topographic mapping and geophysical survey of the ruins of the church and convento. Thomas has extensive experience with research on Franciscan Missions in North America. Consequently, he will direct the further investigations at the mission component of San Marcos. Thomas's future work on the mission will be closely coordinated with UNM's research on the Pueblo portions of the site, the latter being the topic of this proposal. Dr. Thomas's request for research access to San Marcos will be presented in a separate proposal.  Figure 2 After conducting this background, non-collection research on San Marcos, we are prepared to move on to more intensive investigations, the design of which form the basis of this proposal. The proposal is organized into three sections: (1) a discussion of our over-arching research goals; (2) a discussion of how these goals can be implemented in our proposed research at San Marcos; and (3) a detailed description of the specific investigations we propose to conduct at San Marcos in 1999. The section on research goals presents the main problems that intrigue us about the late Prehistoric and early historic period in New Mexico. These goals are general enough that they cover our research at a variety of sites. In the research strategies and 1999 investigations sections, focus shifts to the particular problems we propose to study through our research at San Marcos, and the methods and techniques we intend to employ during the 1999 season. Finally, these sections are followed by various attachments including vitae of the principal investigators and professional staff, and letters of support. Although we anticipate our investigations at San Marcos to be long-term as reflected in the research goals and strategies sections, the procedural aspects of this proposal focus on the work we intend to perform in 1999. We anticipate submitting additional proposals for future work beyond 1999, as the results of our 1999 research become clear and our funding and logistical arrangements are more firmly established. Research Goals The unique multicultural milieu of New Mexico, which is so attractive to visitors and often so confounding to bureaucracies, is an outgrowth of deep history and cultural interaction that began when the Spanish explored and settled what is now the American Southwest. The complex combination of stubborn autonomy and rich blending of the present Hispanic and American Indian cultures derive in large part from patterns of interaction established during the first two centuries of contact between these cultures. This contact began with the entradas of a small exploring party led by the Franciscan Friar Marcos de Niza in 1539, and a much larger military force led by the conquistador Francisco Vazquez de Coronado in 1540. Yet, the recent debate in both public and academic spheres, stimulated by the 400th anniversary of Spanish settlement in New Mexico, demonstrates that our understanding of the nature, causes, and consequences of these early interactions remains extremely poor. This is particularly true for the period before the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 and the subsequent Spanish reconquest in 1692. Much of our current knowledge of this period is based on historical documents, and yet large amounts of the documentary record was lost during the Pueblo Revolt. Although archaeological investigations have taken place at several Pueblo and Spanish settlements dating to this period, most of this work occurred during the first half of the Twentieth Century with very different research interests and poorly developed methods, and thus have yielded little insight. The potential for oral history to shed light on early American Indian-Spanish interactions is only now beginning to be explored. Although continued historical research, both documentary and oral, will certainly produce new information, much of what we would like to know may only be accessible through archaeological research. This is likely to be true for several reasons. First, the documentary record in New Mexico is severely biased toward Spanish perspectives and activities during the early colonial period. For this period in the Southwest, we lack records that have been particularly useful in documenting forms of native social organization during the contact period in other areas of North America, such as mission birth, marriage, and burial registers in California (Johnson 1988; King 1984) and the confessionals of the Florida missions (Pareja 1613), because they were apparently destroyed during the Pueblo Revolt. Native oral histories can fill in some of the gaps in the historical record, but understanding the meaning of these oral histories with regard to our research interests will be extremely challenging without better knowledge of the archaeological record of the period. Finally, addressing our questions about the early contact period in New Mexico requires that we know quite a bit more about the organization and size of Pueblo societies just prior to contact with the Spanish. This period obviously lacks direct documentary records, but also, considerable debate exists over the proper interpretation of the reports from the earliest Spanish explorers. Consequently, archaeological research offers a unique and extremely valuable perspective on Spanish-Pueblo contact period in New Mexico. The research interests and methods of modern archaeology represent a considerable improvement over those of simple chronology building and large-scale trenching that characterize much of the archaeological work done on protohistoric sites in the American Southwest. Although the nature of the record places limitations on the kinds of issues any archaeological research can address, theoretical, methodological, and technical advances in archaeology have broadened the range of problems routinely considered. The research goals for our proposed work at San Marcos Pueblo can be grouped into three broad issues: (1) the organization of Pueblo settlements and societies; (2) pre and post contact Pueblo Indian demography, and (3) Spanish-Pueblo interaction. Pueblo Organization How were Pueblo settlements and societies organized on the eve of Coronado's entrada, and how did that organization change as a consequence of Spanish exploration and settlement of New Mexico? The late prehistoric archaeological record in the northern Southwest contains intriguing evidence suggestive of the existence of multi-Pueblo political and economic alliances prior to contact with the Spanish (e.g. Shepard 1942, 1965; Upham 1982; Wilcox 1981, 1991, 1992). However, the documentary evidence from from the earliest Spanish contact shows very little cooperation among individual Pueblos in defense against Coronado's forces, or against subsequent Spanish explorers and settlers (Casteneda et al. 1990; Hammond and Rey 1940; Kessell 1979). Pueblo or village-level autonomy appears from documentary evidence to have been the normal form of organization until the Pueblo Revolt when the northern Pueblos joined forces to expel the Spanish from New Mexico (Knaut 1995). Even this large-scale cooperation among Pueblos failed to last more than a few years, with inter-Pueblo strife playing a major role in the successful reconquest of New Mexico by the Spanish (Espinosa 1988; Silverberg 1970). Did Pueblo political organization change just prior to Spanish contact, or are we misreading the evidence of more complex political arrangements in the late prehistoric archaeological record? Conversely, have we fail to clearly recognize evidence of more complex Pueblo polities in the early historical record because Pueblo forms of organization were unfamiliar to the European observers? Most of the archaeological evidence for political and economic alliances comes from survey-level data on settlement hierarchies and exchange. Few of the large sites that typify Pueblo settlement patterns during the late prehistoric and early historic periods have been systematically investigated using modern archaeological methods. Consequently, we do not know if the size of these settlements, a critical variable in constructing settlement hierarchies, reflects their actual population and political power, or, instead, derives from a complex formation history involving Pueblos being periodically abandoned and reoccupied. In the latter case, new construction may have occurred during each new occupation. Were the large, late Pueblos stable centers on the landscape, or were they more ephemeral locations of a fluid, flexible, and mobile Pueblo population that stabilized and solidified only after contact and subjugation by the Spanish? There are a number of possible causes of pre-contact instability among the Pueblos including the influx of migrants from the Four Corners region during the Fourteenth century, the collapse of Paquime as a major trading center and source of important religious paraphernalia during the Fifteenth century, and possible population decline and reorganization due to the introduction of European infectious diseases from northern Mexico during the Sixteenth century (Pierce and Ramenofsky 1998). Unfortunately, the impacts of these events on Pueblo organization have not been adequately documented through archaeological research. Pueblo Demography A persistent debate has developed over the last decade among archaeologists working on the contact period in the Southwest regarding the size and spatial distribution of Pueblo populations at the time of contact with the Spanish, and the timing and severity of epidemics caused by European infectious diseases (Haas and Creamer 1992; Orcutt et al. 1994; Ramenofsky 1996a, 1996b, 1997; Reff 1987, 1991, 1992; Upham 1992, 1996; Wilcox 1992). One interpretation of the evidence sees significant population losses and regional abandonments in New Mexico just prior to the first direct contact with the Spanish, and identifies the cause as infectious diseases spread from northwestern Mexico where historic documents record small pox epidemics in the 1520s. Another interpretation places the earliest epidemics of European diseases among the Pueblos well after the initial direct contact in 1540, and takes the early population estimates by various Spanish chroniclers as roughly accurate and representative of pre-contact conditions. A third interpretation suggests that Puebloan population decline began in the fourteenth century, well before the onset of European contact with the New World (Dean et al. 1994). Here, the historic decline is simply a continuation of the prehistoric pattern. Considerations of epidemic diseases or reliability of initial population counts are largely irrelevant if decline predated European entry. Despite variation in the perspectives on the timing and magnitude of native population loss relative infectious disease introduction, most participants in this debate agree that archaeological knowledge of these issues is minimal at best. In particular, the current dating and population estimates for Pueblos both prior to and after contact with the Spanish leave much to be desired. As noted above, few settlements occupied during these periods have been the focus of the kind of sustained archaeological research required for reconstructing detailed occupational histories. Such knowledge is fundamental for building descriptions of population change. Spanish-Pueblo Interaction Most popular and some academic accounts of the relationships between the Spanish and Pueblo people during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries depict the peaceful Pueblos as unwilling subjects of strong, and occasionally brutal, Spanish power. Although this view may be true in some cases, there are numerous examples in the historical record of cooperation among Spanish and Pueblos, and ample evidence of warfare and brutality among the Pueblos before and after Spanish contact. We know, for instance, that Indians were a labor source for both missionaries and civil authorities, and that each arm of the Spanish colony accused the other of abusing Indians (Scholes 1937, 1942). Other documents, however, suggest a more complex relationship between Spanish and Pueblos including shifting alliances and alternating periods of cooperation and conflict (Knaut 1995; Pierce 1998; Wilcox 1992). As yet, archaeological research has contributed little to our understanding of the early interactions between the Spanish and Pueblos. This is due mainly to the lack of recent work at pueblos occupied between 1540 and 1680. Renewed research at sites from this period could help us document what life was like at pueblos after contact but before missionization, and how things changed after the establishment of a mission within a pueblo. Of particular interest are changes in internal organization, external interactions, technology transfers, and the general health of both Pueblo and Spanish populations. In summary, then, our research goals are quite broad, and derive from a common theme of understanding the early history and consequences of European contact and colonization in the American Southwest. Addressing these research goals requires that we not only examine the contact period, but also improve our knowledge of precontact conditions as well. As discussed below, archaeological research at San Marcos can make significant contributions on both counts. San Marcos Research Strategies Pueblo San Marcos is particularly well suited for investigating these issues for several reasons. Previous investigations indicate that the Pueblo was first occupied in the fourteenth century and appears to have been the site of substantial settlements during the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The Franciscan mission was first established at San Marcos in 1634 (Hodge et al. 1945), almost a century after the first direct contact by the Spanish, and 36 years after the first Spanish colony was established in New Mexico. The Pueblo was abandoned during the Pueblo Revolt in 1680, and apparently was not reoccupied. This combination of substantial pre-contact, post-contact/pre-mission, and post-mission records, and the lack of occupation after the Pueblo revolt provide a tremendous opportunity for the study of change after initial contact and during the period Spanish colonization leading up to the Pueblo Revolt. In addition, both the surface and subsurface of the site are extremely well preserved, having been the focus of few archaeological investigations in the past, and subject to only minor modern disturbance and vandalism. In the interest of protecting the excellent record at San Marcos for future study and appreciation, and respecting the conservation wishes of the Archaeological Conservancy and various Pueblo descendents, we have developed our research strategies with a strong commitment to restricting the amount of disturbance we produce. Consequently, we will begin by gleaning as much information as possible without excavation, and will only propose excavation when it is clear that no other recovery strategy can yield the necessary data. Excavation, in addition to being extremely costly to perform, is far more destructive that surface work. Given the general lack of surface disturbance and the likelihood that much of the latest record at San Marcos will be found at or very near the surface, we can learn a great deal from investigations of the surface alone. The co-directors of this proposed research have previous experience with conducting similar, successful surface research projects in New Mexico. Ramenofsky directed a UNM surface field school studying Pueblo IV settlements in the lower Chama valley in 1994 (Ramenofsky 1996b). Pierce co-directed a University of Nevada/Desert Research Institute field school conducting intensive surface studies of Archaic and Pueblo sites in the Arroyo Cuervo valley northwest of Albuquerque from 1982 to 1986 (Irwin-Williams et al. 1988). Although many different kinds of information will be needed to fully address our general research goals, we propose to examine four problems in our work at San Marcos-occupational history, settlement demography, internal organization, and external interaction. These problems are tied directly to our larger contact period research goals. In addition, the methods and techniques needed to accomplish these kinds of research are well established, and we believe we can obtain most of the data needed without extensive disturbance to the site. Previous investigations at San Marcos suggest that the entire site was probably not inhabited throughout the span of occupation, and that there may have been periods when the site was completely abandoned (Haas 1997; Welker 1997). However, these conclusions are based on small samples collected from only certain parts of the site. Firmly documenting how the Pueblo occupation at San Marcos changed over time will involve collecting and analyzing adequate samples of temporally diagnostic artifacts from all areas of the settlement. Pottery obtained in these collections will form the focal point of this work. Using the spatially distributed collections, we will construct seriations based on pottery styles, and calibrate these seriations with absolute dates. Absolute dates will include tree-ring dates available from other sites (Robinson et al. 1972), and luminescence measurements on pottery and hydration measurements on obsidian collected from San Marcos. This is a fundamental aspect of our proposed research because an accurate understanding of the occupational history of San Marcos provides the foundation for our studies of the population history, internal organization, and external interaction at the Pueblo. Once a temporal and spatial sequence for the occupation of the Pueblo has been constructed, we can estimate the site's demographic history by comparing the size of the occupation through time. We are particularly interested in how the population changed as a consequence of Spanish contact. Accurately estimating population size from the archaeological record is a difficult undertaking because we must rely on proxy measures that are related in complex ways to population (Nelson et al. 1994; Ramenofsky 1987). Rather than trying to estimate population absolutely, we will create relative trends by describing whether and when population increases or decreases occurred. On the one hand, we expect that, as population changed, the number of occupied rooms and the amount of accumulated trash also changed. On the other hand, we do not assume that all rooms were necessarily used throughout a given period of occupation in an area of the site, or that population size is the only factor responsible for changing trash accumulations. In addition to population size, the length of occupations and the kinds of activities performed also influence the quantity of trash that was thrown away. By obtaining data on both architecture and trash, and working from secure knowledge of the occupation history, we hope to arrive at temporally accurate population trends for San Marcos. We will also use a comparative approach to examine stability and change in the internal organization of the Pueblo. The goal here is to determine how people related to others living during the same time in different areas of the site, and how those relationships may have changed through time, particularly after Spanish contact. Was the population of San Marcos fairly homogeneous, or were their ethnic, economic, and political divisions within the Pueblo. San Marcos has been described as a settlement composed of different barrios, and there are differing opinions regarding whether San marcos was a Keres or Tano pueblo. Unlike the other Tano Pueblos, the residents of San Marcos warned the Spanish of the impending Pueblo Revolt (Hackett 1942; Hodge et al. 1945, Schroeder and Matson 1965). We can investigate these issues of homogeneity, stability, and change through documenting patterns of similarity and difference in the kinds of artifacts found at different parts of the site occupied during the same time, and tracking changes in these patterns through time. If people differentially participated in certain production or consumption activities, such as pottery and turquoise manufacture, derived from different ethnic backgrounds, or had different levels of interaction with people from other pueblos, these differences should be visible in comparisons of the suites of recovered artifacts. Finally, we will attempt to document the interaction of the occupants of San Marcos Pueblo with other Pueblo, non-Pueblo Indian, and Spanish peoples. For instance, did San Marcos serve as a major pottery and turquoise producer during the late prehistoric period, and if so, how were these goods distributed? Did the arrival of the Spanish alter the way people living at San Marcos interacted with the outside world? We intend to investigate these issues by identifying the spatial and temporal arrangement of manufacturing debris, nonlocal or exotic materials, and European artifacts, of both Spanish and native manufacture, within the Pueblo. We will employ a variety of sourcing approaches to identify exotic materials including compositional, technological, and stylistic analyses. One of our goals will be to measure the sources and quantities of exotic artifacts recovered from different parts of the site to describe the direction, amount, and organization of external interaction with other native peoples at different points in time. We are particularly interested in the periods prior to Spanish contact, after contact and before establishment of the mission, and after missionization. In addition, we want to document the flow of materials and technologies between the Pueblo occupants of San Marcos and the Spanish both prior to and after the establishment of the mission at San Marcos. Proposed Research at San Marcos for the 1999 Season We propose to conduct five weeks of intensive fieldwork at San Marcos Pueblo in 1999, beginning June 7 and ending July 9. The fieldwork will involve the collection and analysis of artifacts from the surface of the site, documentation of a portion of the stratigraphic section exposed in the eroding bank of San Marcos Arroyo, and continued mapping of adobe wall alignments discernible on the surface of room blocks. We intend to carry out the fieldwork and most of the laboratory work with students enrolled in a field school sponsored by the University of New Mexico, and possibly with volunteers from Cochiti Pueblo and/or the Santa Fe Indian School. The number of university field school students will be limited to no more than 20, while the number and form of involvement of the American Indian volunteers remains to be determined. All of the field and laboratory activities conducted at San Marcos in 1999 by the University of New Mexico will be directly supervised by Dr. Ann Ramenofsky and Christopher Pierce (see attached curriculum vitae) with the aid of three graduate student teaching assistants. The scope of our fieldwork will require access to all three tracks of land owned by the Archaeological Conservancy. We also will need to obtain an Archaeological Survey Permit from the State of New Mexico, which we will pursue upon notification of the acceptance of our proposal for research access to San Marcos. The details of our proposed field and laboratory work, reports, collection curation, American Indian involvement, public education initiatives, research timetable, and budget are presented below. Field and Laboratory Work As mentioned above, our fieldwork during the 1999 season will focus on the surface of the site. We propose to conduct the following studies: systematically collect a sample of artifacts from a large portion of the site surface; document a segment of the San Marcos Arroyo bank where erosion has exposed architecture, artifacts, and complex stratification; and map the locations of adobe walls made visible on the surface by differential growth of vegetation. Artifacts collected during these operations will be analyzed concurrent with and subsequent to the fieldwork. The details of these different studies are presented below. Surface Collections. Addressing the research problems discussed earlier requires that we obtain a large sample of artifacts, collected in a systematic manner, from all areas of the site. To begin the process of generating these collections, we propose to collect surface artifacts from 1m collection units spaced 20 m apart across most of the site (Figure 3). This sampling strategy will yield between 350 and 400 collection units. Each unit will be collected in the following manner. First, we will remove the vegetation from the 1 m collection area using clippers and weed cutters. Next, we will scrape the surface within the unit to a depth no greater than 1 cm using a square-nosed shovel, and all of the loose, scraped material will be placed into a plastic bucket. We will then dry-screen the scraped material through a 1/4 inch mesh screen placed over the collection unit so that material passing through the screen stays in its original location. All of the material (artifacts and nonartifacts) retained in the screen will be bagged for collection and later analysis. Finally, a wooden lath with the provenience designation will be driven into the NW corner of the collection unit, and this point will be surveyed in using a total station.  Figure 3 These collections will allow us to map artifact density across the site, which we only have a vague notion of now because large areas have dense vegetation cover, and provide an initial picture of the spatial distributions of different kinds of artifacts. Maps of artifact density and the distribution of particular kinds of artifacts will be produced using Surfer™ and ArcInfo™ so that they can be integrated with the existing maps of architecture and surface topography. Knowledge of the artifact distributions on the surface of the site will make it possible to delineate trash deposits, or middens, and determine their possible relationships with particular room blocks. Locations with high density trash deposits can then be targeted for additional research during future field seasons to gain a more complete picture of the occupational history, demography, organization, and interaction at the Pueblo. Stratigraphic Profiling of Arroyo Bank. When Nels Nelson conducted his fieldwork at San Marcos during the early part of this century, San Marcos creek was approximately 70 meters south of the Pueblo. Since then, the north bank of the arroyo has seen considerable erosion resulting in the loss of parts of room blocks 28 and 29 along with associated plaza and midden deposits in the southeastern corner of the site (See Figures 1, 2 and 4). In 1984, the Archaeological Conservancy built a low dam up stream from the site to divert the flow away from the eroding section. Despite the success of this effort, erosion of the arroyo wall continues at a rapid pace due to slumping and mass wasting along the bank. Consequently, the Conservancy has identified the stabilization of the bank as an important initiative in the pending management plan for San Marcos. Because stabilizing the bank will involve covering it with fabric, sediment, and vegetation, we propose to document the exposed architecture, artifacts, and stratification before it is no longer accessible. In addition to the salvage aspects of this operation, documenting the exposure provides unique opportunities for acquiring data relevant to our research.  Figure 4 The exposed section in need of documentation extends for over 50 m in length and reaches a height of over three meters. Given the large size of the eroding bank and the complexity of the stratification visible in it, we will be able to document only a partial segment of the exposure during the 1999 field season. This should not pose a problem, as the Archaeological Conservancy is also limited in the financial resources available for stabilization of the bank. In consultation with Jim Walker and Mark Michel of the Archaeological Conservancy, we will select a portion of the bank for documentation by us and subsequent stabilization by the Conservancy. Additional sections of the bank will be documented in future field seasons. Our current suggestion for work during the 1999 season is to focus on an approximately 20 m long section that spans the area between the two eroding room blocks. This section begins with the eastern edge of room block 29, and extends across the exposed plaza to the western edge of room block 28. This section contains both indoor and outdoor features giving us an opportunity to learn more about how the adobe buildings and associated plaza surfaces were constructed and used, and the complex fill sequences at the site. We propose to draw detailed profiles of the architecture, fill, and plaza surfaces along this section, and collect artifacts eroded from the bank by dry-screening the lose material that has accumulated at the base of the exposure through 1/4 inch mesh. The artifact collections will be made in horizontal sections corresponding to different parts of the exposure including rooms, plazas, etc. Wall Mapping. The greater compaction of the adobe walls relative to the surrounding sediment at San Marcos results in stunted plant growth on the tops of the walls. This differential growth produces a readily visible signature for the presence of adobe walls on room blocks where the vegetation is dominated by fast-growing annuals. In 1997, we began mapping wall alignments at San Marcos using these vegetation signatures, and completed the room blocks in the northeastern part of the site only (Figure 1). If time permits, we intend to continue mapping wall alignments on the remaining room blocks at San Marcos. This mapping involves first locating the walls by examining the plant growth patterns on a room block, and then marking the intersections and ends of the walls with pin flags. We then map in the pin-flagged points with the total station while making a sketch map of the wall alignments so that we know how to connect the surveyed wall points on the computer generated map. By mapping the adobe walls at San Marcos, we are able to make more accurate room count estimates, and determine if adjacent room blocks were connected or freestanding. Artifact Analyses. We will analyze all of the material collected from the surface scrapes and the artifacts recovered by screening sediment eroded from the arroyo bank. Most of this analysis will take place in a laboratory run as part of the field school. Students and staff participating in the field school will catalog materials by sorting them into broad categories (e.g., pottery, chipped stone, ground stone, bone, minerals, etc.), counting and weighing the items in each category, and placing the sorted materials into bags with provenience tags. Both the bags and tags will be archival quality. After the field season, any of this basic sorting and cataloging this is not finished will be completed in the laboratory of Dr. Ramenofsky at UNM, where the materials will be stored until the completion of our research. Additional analyses of the material, such as typological identification of the pottery and compositional studies, will also take place after the field season. We anticipate that graduate students at UNM and other institutions will perform most of these additional analyses as parts of thesis and dissertation research. 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thank you
Written by 'Guest' on 2008-04-01 13:18:31
thanks for this. it helped meas a student understand what ihave to do for my mock research proposal. Thank you, GAbe |
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